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Batalha do Rio Ana, 79 a.C.

Batalha do Rio Ana, 79 a.C.


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Batalha do Rio Ana, 79 a.C.

A batalha do rio Ana (79 aC) viu o legado de Sertório, L. Domitius Calvinus, o governador da Espanha mais próxima, em algum lugar do rio Ana (Guerra Sertoriana).

A batalha ocorreu no segundo ano da Guerra Sertoriana. Sertório foi convidado a voltar à Espanha em 80 aC e quase imediatamente derrotou L. Fufidius, o governador Sullan da Espanha, no rio Baetis. No ano seguinte, o ex-cônsul Metelo Pio substituiu Fufídio e tentou prender Sertório entre seu exército e o de Lúcio Domício, governador da Espanha mais próxima. No entanto, Sertório conseguiu reunir dois exércitos. Enquanto ele enfrentava Metelo, seu hábil questor L. Hirtuleius foi enviado para lidar com Domício. O resultado foi uma vitória de Hirtuleius, que deixou a Espanha mais próxima sem defesa. Grande parte da área logo caiu para Sertório, que dominou a costa leste da Espanha durante grande parte do resto da guerra.

Temos apenas menções passageiras desta batalha. Plutarco menciona que Lúcio Domício, pró-cônsul da Espanha mais próxima, foi morto pelo questor de Sertório.

De acordo com o Epítome de Lívio de Florus, a batalha ocorreu no Rio Ana, o Guadiana moderno, e as tropas de Sertório foram comandadas por um dos Hirtulei.

Os periochae de Tito Lívio dizem que o procônsul Lúcio Mâncio e Marco Domício, seu deputado, foram derrotados em batalha pelo questor Hirtuleio.

Eutropius também credita a Hirtuleius a vitória.

Mais ou menos na mesma época, Sertiorus derrotou Thorius, um dos legados de Metellus,


Batalha do rio Trebbia

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Batalha do rio Trebbia, (Dezembro de 218 aC), a primeira grande batalha da Segunda Guerra Púnica, na qual as forças cartaginesas de Aníbal derrotaram o exército romano sob o comando de Tibério Semprônio Longo nas margens do rio Trebbia. Foi a primeira grande vitória de Aníbal na Itália e convenceu muitos dos celtas do norte da Itália a apoiá-lo.

O cônsul romano Publius Cornelius Scipio foi ferido em uma escaramuça de cavalaria com Hannibal no rio Ticinus (agora Ticino) no final de 218 aC, e retirou suas forças para Placentia (moderna Piacenza), perto da confluência dos rios Trebbia e Po. Depois de reforçar o exército de Cipião, o cônsul Tibério Semprônio Longo esperava enfrentar Aníbal, pensando que ele poderia ganhar a glória contra o general cartaginês. Usando informações obtidas de seus espiões, Hannibal avaliou corretamente o caráter imprudente de Semprônio, presumindo que ele provavelmente poderia ser provocado para a batalha em um momento e local à escolha de Hannibal. Embora suas forças fossem possivelmente superadas em número por até um terço (estima-se que 30.000 cartagineses e aliados enfrentaram cerca de 42.000 romanos), Aníbal sabia que Semprônio era um nomeado político sem muita experiência militar. Ele também entendeu que os cônsules romanos alternavam a liderança dia sim, dia não. Embora Cipião, um oficial veterano, defendesse o adiamento do combate até que o inverno passasse, Aníbal sabia que precisava apenas esperar até que Semprônio assumisse o comando para provocar um confronto.

Era uma vantagem distinta de Aníbal que os dois exércitos romanos não estivessem em um único campo, mas sim divididos entre seus comandantes. Na véspera do solstício de inverno, Aníbal reuniu seu exército através do Trebbia do acampamento de Semprônio, instruindo seus homens a descansar e, ao acordar, se untar com gordura para se isolar do frio intenso. Aníbal também colocou seu irmão mais novo, Mago, no comando de uma emboscada que atacaria os romanos por trás. Contingentes da cavalaria da Numídia foram enviados para o outro lado do rio gelado para insultar os romanos, zombando de Semprônio com insultos pessoais. Ignorando o conselho de Cipião, Semprônio respondeu como Aníbal esperava, enviando seu exército com força total e sem café da manhã. Os romanos foram despachados através do Trebbia em perseguição aos númidas, as resistentes montarias númidas vadearam o rio frio com pouca dificuldade, enquanto a infantaria romana se reuniu nas margens opostas do Trebbia ensopada e tremendo. Os romanos tinham clara vantagem numérica, mas o exército quente, descansado e bem alimentado de Aníbal estava muito melhor preparado para a batalha. À medida que os romanos avançavam, os escaramuçadores de Aníbal cobraram um alto preço, e muitos romanos caíram em pedras lançadas pelos atiradores de elite das Baleares de Aníbal. Outros foram pisoteados por elefantes ou abatidos enquanto tentavam cair de volta para o rio. O exército romano lutou bravamente, mas foi colocado em fuga quando a força de 2.000 infantaria e cavalaria de Mago emergiu do esconderijo e atacou a retaguarda romana. Pelo menos 15.000 romanos morreram em Trebbia, e possivelmente outros 12.000-15.000 foram feitos prisioneiros. Os cartagineses sofreram aproximadamente 5.000 baixas. Até 10.000 romanos conseguiram abrir caminho através das linhas cartaginesas e escapar para Placentia, onde permaneceram no acampamento - como Cipião havia sugerido originalmente - até a primavera.

Semprônio tentou convencer o Senado Romano de que a batalha não foi uma derrota, mas sim um revés temporário que ele atribuiu ao clima. Esta versão dos eventos estava em total desacordo com a força grandemente diminuída das forças de Semprônio. Embora a batalha e o inverno subsequente também tenham cobrado um tributo ao exército de Aníbal, principalmente seus elefantes, a caracterização da batalha como uma derrota romana não é discutível. Na verdade, muitos dos celtas do norte da Itália foram conquistados para a causa de Aníbal por sua demonstração de que os romanos podiam ser derrotados. A batalha foi apenas uma das muitas ocasiões na Segunda Guerra Púnica em que um astuto Aníbal usou a natureza, o ambiente e o conhecimento de seu inimigo para aumentar a força de seu exército menor.


O dia mais escuro da Roma Antiga: a batalha de Canas

Em 216 a.C., a República Romana estava envolvida na segunda das três guerras devastadoras com a cidade-estado de Cartago no norte da África. O que havia começado cerca de 50 anos antes como uma disputa territorial havia evoluído para um duelo existencial, com os dois poderes competindo pela supremacia. Roma saiu vitoriosa na Primeira Guerra Púnica, mas no início do segundo conflito em 218 a.C., o general cartaginês Aníbal havia encenado uma invasão audaciosa da Itália pelos Alpes. Desde então, seu exército mercenário de líbios, númidas, espanhóis e celtas invadiu o campo, devastando terras agrícolas e destruindo legiões romanas. Em apenas duas grandes batalhas no rio Trebia e no lago Trasimene, Hannibal usou seu gênio militar para infligir até 50.000 baixas aos romanos.

Após essas perdas iniciais, Roma adotou uma estratégia de retardamento que buscava cortar as linhas de abastecimento de Hannibal & # x2019s e evitar as batalhas campais que eram sua marca registrada. Era uma tática astuta, mas que os romanos hiperagressivos não aceitariam por muito tempo. Em 216 a.C., eles elegeram Gaius Terentius Varro e Lucius Aemilius Paullus como co-cônsules e os equiparam com oito legiões & # x2014 o maior exército da história da República & # x2019. Sua missão era clara: confrontar o exército de Hannibal e esmagá-lo.

A chance de um confronto chegou mais tarde naquele verão, quando Aníbal marchou para o sul da Itália e confiscou um depósito de suprimentos vitais perto da cidade de Canas. Varro e Paullus deram início à perseguição, e no início de agosto os romanos e cartagineses foram posicionados ao longo do rio Aufidus. De acordo com o antigo historiador Políbio, Aníbal tinha cerca de 40.000 infantaria e 10.000 cavalaria à sua disposição (todos os seus famosos elefantes de guerra morreram por volta de 216). Os romanos ostentavam cerca de 80.000 soldados e 6.000 cavalaria.

Uma história da cavalaria desde os primeiros tempos (microforma). (Crédito: Flickr)

Na manhã de 2 de agosto, os dois exércitos se reuniram em uma planície quente e pulverizada com poeira e se prepararam para a batalha. Os romanos se estabeleceram em uma formação de bloco tradicional com uma massa de infantaria protegida pela cavalaria em ambas as alas. Varro & # x2014o comandante do dia & # x2014 esperava usar suas legiões como um aríete para quebrar o centro das linhas cartaginesas. Hannibal esperava isso, então ele organizou seu exército em uma formação não convencional projetada para usar o ímpeto romano contra eles. Ele começou posicionando suas tropas mais fracas & # x2014s seus celtas gauleses e espanhóis & # x2014 bem no centro de sua linha. Ele então colocou sua infantaria líbia, mais de elite, endurecida pela batalha, ligeiramente na retaguarda em ambos os flancos. A cavalaria assumiu posições na extrema esquerda e na direita. Quando totalmente montada, a linha cartaginesa parecia um longo crescente que se projetava para fora em seu centro em direção aos romanos. Sem nunca liderar pela retaguarda, Aníbal assumiu um posto na frente ao lado de seus espanhóis e gauleses.

Ao som de trombetas, os dois lados avançaram e a batalha começou. & # x201CNow começou um grande massacre e uma grande luta, & # x201D o historiador Appian escreveu mais tarde, & # x201Ceach side lutando bravamente. & # x201D A infantaria leve iniciou a luta sondando uns aos outros & # x2019s linhas e lançando dardos, lanças e projéteis . A primeira manobra decisiva ocorreu quando a cavalaria pesada de Hannibal & # x2019, sob o comando de um oficial chamado Asdrúbal, avançou contra os cavaleiros no flanco direito dos romanos. Em pouco tempo, os cavaleiros cartagineses superiores haviam praticamente obliterado seus adversários romanos.

De volta à batalha da infantaria, os gauleses e espanhóis de peito nu de Hannibal colidiram com o corpo principal dos romanos em um turbilhão de espadas, lanças e escudos. Enquanto as tropas atacavam e esfaqueavam umas às outras, o centro cartaginês foi lentamente empurrado para trás, revertendo sua formação de uma protuberância externa para um bolso côncavo. Isso tudo fazia parte do plano de Hannibal & # x2019s. Ao dar aos romanos a impressão de que estavam vencendo, ele estava apenas atraindo-os para um espaço entre as tropas líbias ainda não engajadas nas bordas de sua formação. Com o ânimo nas alturas, milhares de legionários logo fluíram para o bolsão da linha cartaginesa. Quando o fizeram, eles abandonaram sua forma ordenada e ficaram agrupados.

Hannibal agora deu a ordem que significaria a ruína dos romanos. Ao seu sinal, os líbios giraram para dentro e atacaram os legionários que avançavam & # x2019 pelos flancos esquerdo e direito, fechando-os em um torno. Enquanto isso, Asdrúbal galopou pelo campo de batalha e ajudou a derrotar a cavalaria na ala esquerda romana. Tendo retirado os romanos de seu apoio montado, ele então girou sua força e se lançou sobre os legionários & # x2019 sua retaguarda desprotegida. Os romanos sobreviventes & # x2014 talvez até 70.000 homens & # x2014 foram totalmente cercados.

A pedra memorial que comemora a Batalha de Canas. (Crédito: De Agostini / V. Giannella / Getty Images)

A armadilha de Hannibal estava completa, mas a batalha ainda estava longe do fim. Os legionários encurralados não mostraram sinais de rendição, então os cartagineses se aproximaram e começaram o terrível trabalho de abatê-los um homem de cada vez. Nas horas seguintes, a planície de Cannae se transformou em um campo de matança. Alguns milhares de romanos escaparam do cerco e fugiram, mas sem espaço de manobra, o resto foi lentamente cercado e massacrado. & # x201CAlguns foram descobertos ali vivos, com coxas e tendões cortados, descobrindo seus pescoços e gargantas e ordenando que seus conquistadores drenassem o resto de seu sangue, & # x201D o cronista Lívio escreveu mais tarde. & # x201 Outros foram encontrados com as cabeças enterradas em buracos cavados no solo. Aparentemente, eles haviam feito esses buracos para eles próprios e, ao espalharem a terra sobre seus rostos, eles pararam de respirar. & # X201D As fontes antigas diferem, mas, ao pôr do sol, entre 50.000 e 70.000 romanos jaziam mortos e milhares de outros foram capturados. Hannibal havia perdido cerca de 6.000 homens.

A notícia do massacre em Canas fez a cidade de Roma entrar em pânico. & # x201CMultitudes aglomeraram-se nas ruas, & # x201D Appian escreveu, & # x201Lamentação por seus parentes, invocando-os pelo nome e lamentando seu próprio destino assim que cair nas mãos do inimigo & # x2019s. & # x201D Em seu desespero, os romanos enviaram um senador ao oráculo grego em Delfos para adivinhar o significado da tragédia. Eles até mesmo realizavam sacrifícios humanos para apaziguar os deuses. Embora Aníbal finalmente tenha decidido que seu exército era muito fraco para marchar sobre Roma, Cannae ainda havia empurrado a República à beira do colapso. Em apenas um dia de combate, os romanos perderam pelo menos sete vezes mais soldados do que mais tarde foram mortos na Batalha de Gettysburg. & # x201C Certamente não há outra nação que não teria sucumbido sob tamanho peso de calamidade, & # x201D Tito Lívio escreveu.

No entanto, mesmo em seus momentos mais sombrios, os teimosos romanos simplesmente se recusaram a ceder. Após um breve período de luto, o Senado de Roma rejeitou as ofertas de paz de Aníbal e # x2019 e se recusou a resgatar seus prisioneiros em Canas. Os cidadãos foram postos para trabalhar na fabricação de novas armas e projéteis, e o exército aleijado foi reconstruído reduzindo a idade de recrutamento, alistando condenados e até oferecendo aos escravos sua liberdade em troca de serviço. Para cada uma das legiões romanas destruídas em Canas, várias outras foram eventualmente criadas e enviadas para o campo.

Enquanto seu inimigo recuava sobre sua força de trabalho avassaladora, Hannibal apenas ficava mais fraco. Ele continuou a saquear a Itália por vários anos em busca de um segundo Canas, mas seu exército isolado lentamente se extinguiu depois que poucos aliados de Roma se uniram em sua causa. O retorno milagroso dos romanos continuou em 204 a.C., quando o general mais tarde conhecido como Cipião Africano lançou uma invasão do Norte da África com cerca de 26.000 homens, muitos deles sobreviventes da humilhação em Canas. Aníbal foi chamado de volta da Itália para defender a pátria cartaginesa, mas em 202, Cipião o derrotou decisivamente na guerra & # x2019s confronto final na Batalha de Zama.

A Segunda Guerra Púnica encerrou efetivamente o reinado de Cartago como uma potência militar, permitindo a Roma apertar seu controle sobre o Mediterrâneo e começar a construir seu império. Mesmo na derrota, no entanto, Aníbal havia cimentado seu lugar no panteão dos grandes comandantes militares. Os romanos construíram estátuas dele para celebrar seu triunfo sobre um adversário digno, e sua vitória em Canas mais tarde se tornou um assunto de fascínio para generais que iam de Napoleão a Frederico, o Grande. Dwight D. Eisenhower descreveu-o como o & # x201C exemplo clássico & # x201D de uma batalha de aniquilação. No entanto, a obra-prima tática de Hannibal não foi suficiente para derrotar os romanos. Ele havia vencido uma batalha lendária em Canas, apenas para deixar seu inimigo ainda mais determinado a vencer a guerra.


3. Grego & # x201CAlala & # x201D e & # x201CEleleu & # x201D

Crédito: De Agostini Picture LIbrary / Getty Images

Quando eles marcharam em direção a seus inimigos em suas formações de falange organizadas, as tropas da Grécia Antiga normalmente cantavam hinos de batalha, ou & # x201Cpaeans, & # x201D projetados para invocar o deus Apolo e ajudar a acalmar seus nervos. Uma vez dentro de uma distância de ataque, no entanto, eles parariam de cantar e irromperiam em um grito de batalha violento de & # x201CAlala! & # X201D ou & # x201CEleleu! & # X201D enquanto batiam suas armas contra seus escudos para assustar os cavalos inimigos. Quando pronunciados por milhares de hoplitas empunhando lanças, esses gritos assemelham-se ao som de bandos de pássaros guinchando, e eram tão conhecidos que o antigo escritor Píndaro até mesmo se dirigiu a eles no século V a.C. poema. "


Batalha do Rio Ana, 79 aC - História

Batalha do Rio Granicus maio-junho 334 aC:

Arrian 1.13-15 Plut. 16 Diod. 17.19.1-3

Forças macedônias: 32.000 infantaria, 5100 cavalaria, mais marinha e forças aliadas = 90000 no total. Forças persas 20.000 cavalaria e aproximadamente o mesmo número de infantaria. Seu trem de cerco também incluía caminhões, engenheiros, agrimensores, planejadores de acampamento, uma secretaria, oficiais do tribunal, equipe médica, cavalariços para a cavalaria e muleteiros para a bagagem. Cerca de 182 navios de guerra e navios de abastecimento apoiaram sua força, 160 navios de guerra aliados. Alexandre chegou à Bitínia com 70 talentos em ouro e suprimentos suficientes para 30 dias de campanha. Memnon, um comandante mercenário grego servindo com os persas, recomendou uma estratégia de retirada calculada com terra arrasada, mas os comandantes persas, muitos intimamente relacionados ao rei Dario III, insistiram em um confronto e escolheram o rio Granicus. Alexandre deixou 12.000 infantaria e 1.500 cavalos com Antípatro na Macedônia.

Componentes da força registrados: 12.000 Pezhetairoi macedônio 7.000 infantaria aliada 5.000 infantaria mercenária, todos sob o comando de Parmênio Odrysianos Tribalianos, Ilírios = 7.000 arqueiros e Agrianianos 1000 = 3.200 cavalaria 1.800 hetairoi sob Filotas 1.800 Tessália, sob Callas filho de Hárpalus, 600 Cavalaria grega de Erigyius, 600 Cavalaria grega de Erigyius 900 Paea. batedores sob o comando de Cassander, totalizando 5.100 cavalaria. Parmênio recomendou uma travessia noturna atrasada rio abaixo, mas Alexandre o rejeitou. Ele ordenou um ataque direto à formação persa arranjada na margem oposta do rio.

Plut: Alexandre imediatamente mergulhou na margem e na água com 13 esquadrões em águas velozes que surgiram sobre eles e deixaram os homens no ar. Apesar disso, ele avançou e com um esforço tremendo atingiu a margem oposta, que era uma encosta úmida e traiçoeira coberta de lama. Lá ele foi imediatamente forçado a enfrentar o inimigo em uma confusa luta corpo a corpo, antes que as tropas que cruzavam atrás dele pudessem ser organizadas em qualquer formação. No momento em que seus homens puseram os pés em terra, o inimigo os atacou com gritos altos combinando cavalo contra cavalo, empurrando com suas lanças e lutando com a espada quando suas lanças se quebraram. Muitos deles atacaram o próprio Alexandre, pois ele era facilmente reconhecível por seu escudo e pela alta pluma branca que estava fixada em cada lado de seu elmo. Sua placa peitoral foi perfurada por uma lança. Spithradates (um nobre persa) cavalgou contra ele e o atingiu na cabeça com um machado de batalha, quebrando a crista de seu capacete. Cleitus, o Negro, irmão da ama de leite de Alexandre, o atropelou e salvou a vida de Alexandre. Enquanto a cavalaria de Alexandre estava engajada nessa ação furiosa e perigosa, a falange macedônia cruzou o rio e a infantaria de ambos os lados se juntou à batalha. Os persas ofereceram pouca resistência, mas rapidamente se separaram e fugiram, e foram apenas os mercenários gregos que se mantiveram firmes. Este último lutou até a morte. Os persas perderam 20.000 na infantaria e 2.500 cavalos Alexandre perdeu 34 cavalaria, 9 na infantaria. Escudos capturados foram enviados a Atenas para decorar o Partenon.

Arriano 1.13-15: a cavalaria atacou em formação em cunha. [A cavalaria persa foi organizada em uma linha de 16 de profundidade, a falange macedônia foi organizada em 8 de profundidade. A unidade de cavalaria de Alexandre foi organizada em 10 de profundidade.] Alexandre liderou a cavalaria em um ataque oblíquo através da água para que o exército não fosse flanqueado: para a corrente. Isso o capacitou a evitar um ataque de flanco ao emergir da água e a enfrentar o inimigo com uma frente tão sólida quanto possível. Os persas foram organizados com tropas montadas na frente e infantaria na retaguarda - era uma batalha de cavalaria com, por assim dizer, táticas de infantaria: cavalo contra cavalo, homem contra homem, unidos. Os macedônios fizeram o possível para empurrar o inimigo de uma vez por todas para trás da margem do rio e forçá-lo a um terreno aberto, enquanto os persas lutaram para impedir os desembarques ou para lançar seus oponentes de volta à água.

Os mercenários gregos lutaram até a morte por causa da advertência de Filipe II de que todos os gregos que apoiaram os persas seriam executados. Cerca de 2.000 foram escravizados e enviados para a Macedônia.

Alexandre na Ásia Menor:

As cidades gregas pagavam impostos a ele enquanto seus liberadores povos não gregos pagavam tributos. Ele libertou Lydia (impostos).

Ele suprimiu conflitos internos nas cidades e conquistou o respeito dos povos nativos. Ele foi adotado por Ada, a viúva de Mausolo de Caria. Ele empregou o sistema persa de administração, mas melhorou-o dividindo a autoridade civil, militar e financeira em satrapias separadas. Em Caria, Ada era sátrapa civil, um general macedônio era estratego e uma terceira pessoa era o administrador financeiro - todos dependentes de Alexandre.

A Ameaça Estratégica : O exército persa pode invadir a partir do planalto da Anatólia a Marinha persa ao longo da costa. A solução de Alexandre, apreender os “cabeçotes de trilhos” do interior (Dascylium, Sardis) e negar à frota persa qualquer porto seguro costeiro.

Cerco de Mileto, ele trouxe sua frota de 160 navios de guerra para Lade, 3 dias depois uma frota persa de 400 chegou. Alexandre evitou uma batalha marítima e concentrou-se no cerco da cidade com sua frota bloqueando o porto. A guarnição persa se rendeu. Alexandre agora tinha celeiros persas para alimentar seu exército, então dispensou sua frota (ele não podia se dar ao luxo de mantê-la em qualquer caso, embora mantivesse 20 trirremes atenienses por bom comportamento). Tributos e contribuições chegaram agora de várias partes. A frota persa ficou sem instalações portuárias no Egeu.

Halicarnasso, com paredes de 150 pés de altura, Alexandre atacou as defesas com armamento de cerco e 20 trirremes atenienses. Ele foi capaz de tomar a cidade baixa, mas não a acrópole que guardava o porto (Memnon estava comandando a resistência, ele agora estava no comando da frota persa e da baixa Ásia Menor), então Alexandre isolou a guarnição e seguiu em frente. Ele enviou tropas macedônias recém-casadas para casa no inverno com Coenus e Meleager em um esforço para recrutar novas tropas.

Parmênio foi despachado para o planalto de Sardis com o trem de cerco na primavera de 333 Inverno 334 Alexandre marchou ao longo da costa sul para capturar Panfília e impedir que as forças persas pousassem ali. Lutando duro na Lícia, ele contornou Cnido e Cauno (portos isolados), e nomeou Nearchus sátrapa da Lícia. As cidades de Xanthus e Phaselis se renderam. Em Pamphylia, Perge, Aspendos e Side se renderam, mas Syllium e Termessos resistiram (Aristander de Termessos, vidente de Alexandre). Da Panfília, ele virou para o norte pelas montanhas para se conectar com Parmênio em Górdio. Ele marchou passando por Sagalassos e Celenae até Gordium. Chegaram novos levantes de tropas. Antígono foi transformado em sátrapa da Frígia. Alexandre rapidamente invadiu o planalto (Capadócia em abril de 333) e mudou-se para os Portões Cilicianos. Se Dario tivesse entrado em campo mais cedo, ele poderia ter bloqueado a passagem de Alexandre pelos portões, mas como era a passagem foi abandonada por Arsames, o sátrapa persa local. Alexandre fica doente, seu médico Filipe de Acarnânia. Parmênio conquistou os portões sírios Alexandre se move em direção à Síria neste momento em que soube da vitória de Ptolomeu e Asandro sobre Orontobatos em Halicarnasso.

Durante o inverno 334/3, o agente persa Sisenes foi preso por Parmênio com um plano para matar Alexandre, enquanto se comunicava com Alexandre, o Lincestre e Amintas. Alexandre fez com que Parmênio prendesse o lincestre (que então comandava a cavalaria da Tessália). Amintas foi executado. Olímpias havia escrito a Alexandre alertando sobre essa trama. Parmênio estava na Frígia Alexandre em Faselis na época.

No inverno de 334/3, Memnon navegou com 700 navios de guerra da Fenícia a Quios e Lesbos. Alexandre ordenou a captura do Helesponto. A Liga Grega despachou uma frota para lá. Na luta, Memnon morreu. Dario III enviou Pharnabazas para continuar as operações no Egeu. Antípatro foi compelido a enviar uma pequena força naval para neutralizar seus sucessos.


Batalha do Rio Ana, 79 aC - História

O romance entre Antônio e Cleópatra pode ter mudado o mundo. Se Antônio tivesse conseguido obter o controle exclusivo de Roma com Cleópatra como sua rainha, ele poderia ter mudado o curso do Império Romano, tornando o mundo em que vivemos hoje um lugar diferente. No entanto, o relacionamento deles terminou em suicídio mútuo em 30 aC, onze anos depois de ter começado, quando tropas romanas engolfaram a cidade egípcia de Alexandria e ameaçaram sua captura.

A semente que gerou seu relacionamento foi plantada com o assassinato de Júlio César em março de 44 aC (veja O Assassinato de Júlio César). Roma caiu na anarquia e na guerra civil. Por volta de 41 aC, Antônio e Otaviano (que mais tarde mudaria seu nome para Augusto) compartilhavam a liderança de Roma e dividiram o estado em duas regiões - a parte ocidental incluindo a Espanha e a Gália governada por Otaviano, a região oriental incluindo a Grécia e o Oriente Médio governado por Antônio.


Marco Antônio

O Império Parta localizado no atual Iraque representava uma ameaça ao território oriental de Antônio e ele planejou uma campanha militar para subjugá-los. Mas Antônio precisava de dinheiro para colocar seu plano em ação e confiou em Cleópatra - governante do Egito e a mulher mais rica do mundo - para fornecê-lo. Em 41 aC, ele convocou Cleópatra para encontrá-lo na cidade de Tarso, na atual Turquia.

Cleópatra era uma mulher sedutora e usou seus talentos para manter e expandir seu poder. Sua primeira conquista foi Júlio César em 48 aC. Ele tinha 52 anos, ela 22. O relacionamento deles gerou um filho e só terminou com o assassinato de César.

Sua resposta inicial à convocação de Antônio foi atrasar sua jornada - possivelmente enviar a mensagem ao líder romano de que, como uma rainha por seus próprios méritos, ela não estava à sua disposição. Por fim, rendendo-se ao inevitável, Cleópatra navegou do Egito para a cidade de Tarso. Ao fazer a última etapa de sua jornada rio acima, Cydnus, ela viajou em uma magnífica barcaça cheia de flores e perfumada com perfumes exóticos, enquanto se reclinava no convés cercada por seus servos e enfeites de ouro. Antônio gostava de mulheres e, assim que a viu, caiu em seu feitiço.

[Antônio foi] ". Levado por ela para Alexandria, para passar as férias, como um menino, nas brincadeiras e na diversão, desperdiçando e perdendo o prazer do mais caro de todos os objetos de valor, o tempo."

Plutarco foi um historiador grego que escreveu a história da vida de Antônio no primeiro século DC. Juntamos sua história quando Cleópatra recebe a convocação de Antônio para se juntar a ele:

“Ela confiava em suas próprias atrações, as quais, tendo-a anteriormente recomendado a César e ao jovem Pompeu, ela não tinha dúvidas de que poderia ser ainda mais bem-sucedido com Antônio. Eles a conheceram quando era menina, jovem e ignorante do mundo, mas ela conheceria Antônio em uma época da vida em que a beleza das mulheres é mais esplêndida e seus intelectos estão em plena maturidade. Ela fez grandes preparativos para sua jornada, de dinheiro, presentes e ornamentos de valor, tais como um reino tão rico poderia pagar, mas ela trouxe consigo suas esperanças mais seguras em suas próprias artes mágicas e encantos.

. ela subiu o rio Cydnus em uma barcaça com popa dourada e velas estendidas de púrpura, enquanto remos de prata batiam o tempo ao som de flautas e pífanos e harpas. Ela mesma estava deitada o tempo todo, sob um dossel de tecido dourado, vestida como Vênus em um quadro, e lindos meninos, como Cupidos pintados, ficavam de cada lado para abaná-la. Suas criadas estavam vestidas como Ninfas do Mar e Graças, algumas pilotando no leme, outras trabalhando nas cordas.

. os perfumes se difundiam do navio até a costa, que estava coberta por multidões, parte seguindo a galera rio acima em ambas as margens, parte correndo para fora da cidade para ver a paisagem. A praça do mercado estava completamente vazia e Antônio por fim foi deixado sozinho no tribunal enquanto se espalhava por toda a multidão a notícia de que Vênus tinha vindo festejar com Baco pelo bem comum da Ásia.

Na chegada dela, Antônio mandou convidá-la para jantar. Ela achou mais adequado que ele fosse até ela, então, disposto a mostrar seu bom humor e cortesia, ele concordou e foi embora. Ele achou os preparativos para recebê-lo magníficos além da expressão, mas nada tão admirável quanto o grande número de luzes, pois de repente foi abaixado um número tão grande de ramos com luzes tão engenhosamente dispostas, algumas em quadrados, e outras em círculos, que a coisa toda foi um espetáculo raramente igualado em beleza.

No dia seguinte, Antônio a convidou para jantar, e estava muito desejoso de superá-la tanto em magnificência quanto em artifício, mas descobriu que estava totalmente derrotado em ambos, e estava tão convencido disso, que ele mesmo foi o primeiro a zombar e zombar de sua pobreza de espírito e de sua estranheza rústica. Ela, percebendo que sua zombaria era ampla e grosseira, e tinha mais sabor do soldado do que do cortesão, voltou com o mesmo gosto e caiu na mesma, sem qualquer tipo de relutância ou reserva.

Antônio ficou tão cativado por ela, que enquanto Fúlvia sua esposa mantinha suas querelas em Roma contra César pela força das armas e contra as tropas partas. estavam reunidos na Mesopotâmia, e pronto para entrar na Síria, ele ainda poderia se permitir ser levado por ela para Alexandria, para passar as férias, como um menino, em brincadeiras e diversão, esbanjando e enganando no divertimento que é mais caro, como Antiphon diz, de todos os objetos de valor, tempo.

Se Antônio ficasse sério ou com disposição para a alegria, ela tinha a qualquer momento algum novo deleite ou encanto para atender aos desejos dele a cada passo que ela estava sobre ele, e o deixava escapar dela nem de dia nem de noite. Ela jogava dados com ele, bebia com ele, caçava com ele e quando ele se exercitava com as armas, ela estava lá para ver.

À noite, ela ia perambular com ele para perturbar e atormentar as pessoas em suas portas e janelas, vestida como uma serva, pois Antônio também ia disfarçada de servo, e dessas expedições ele costumava voltar para casa muito malcriado, respondido, e às vezes até espancado severamente, embora a maioria das pessoas tenha adivinhado quem era. No entanto, os alexandrinos em geral gostaram de tudo muito bem e se juntaram bem humorada e gentilmente em suas brincadeiras e brincadeiras, dizendo que eram muito gratos a Antônio por representar seus papéis trágicos em Roma e manter sua comédia para eles. & Quot

Referências:
Referências: O relato de Plutarco aparece em: Davis, William Stearns, Readings in Ancient History vol. 1 (1912) Grant, Michael, Cleopatra (1973).


Batalha do Rio Ana, 79 aC - História

A travessia de um pequeno riacho no norte da Itália tornou-se um dos eventos mais importantes da história antiga. Dele surgiu o Império Romano e a gênese da cultura europeia moderna.

Nascido com uma ambição política desenfreada e habilidades oratórias insuperáveis, Júlio César manipulou seu caminho para o

Legionário romano
posição de cônsul de Roma em 59 AC. Após seu ano de serviço, foi nomeado governador da Gália, onde acumulou uma fortuna pessoal e exibiu sua notável habilidade militar em subjugar as tribos nativas celtas e germânicas. A popularidade de César com o povo disparou, apresentando uma ameaça ao poder do Senado e a Pompeu, que detinha o poder em Roma. Accordingly, the Senate called upon Caesar to resign his command and disband his army or risk being declared an "Enemy of the State". Pompey was entrusted with enforcing this edict - the foundation for civil war was laid.

It was January 49 BC, Caesar was staying in the northern Italian city of Ravenna and he had a decision to make. Either he acquiesced to the Senate's command or he moved southward to confront Pompey and plunge the Roman Republic into a bloody civil war. An ancient Roman law forbade any general from crossing the Rubicon River and entering Italy proper with a standing army. To do so was treason. This tiny stream would reveal Caesar's intentions and mark the point of no return.

Suetonius was a Roman historian and biographer. He served briefly as secretary to Emperor Hadrian (some say he lost his position because he became too close to the emperor's wife.) His position gave him access to privileged imperial documents, correspondence and diaries upon which he based his accounts. For this reason, his descriptions are considered credible. We join Suetonius's narrative as Caesar receives the news that his allies in the Senate have been forced to leave Rome:

"When the news came [to Ravenna, where Caesar was staying] that the interposition of the tribunes in his favor had been utterly rejected, and that they themselves had fled Rome, he immediately sent forward some cohorts, yet secretly, to prevent any suspicion of his plan and to keep up appearances, he attended the public games and examined the model of a fencing school which he proposed building, then - as usual - sat down to table with a large company of friends.

However, after sunset some mules from a near-by mill were put in his carriage, and he set forward on his journey as privately as

Júlio César
possible, and with an exceedingly scanty retinue. The lights went out. He lost his way and wandered about a long time - till at last, by help of a guide, whom he discovered towards daybreak, he proceeded on foot through some narrow paths, and again reached the road. Coming up with his troops on the banks of the Rubicon, which was the frontier of his province, he halted for a while, and revolving in his mind the importance of the step he meditated, he turned to those about him, saying: 'Still we can retreat! But once let us pass this little bridge, - and nothing is left but to fight it out with arms!'

Even as he hesitated this incident occurred. A man of strikingly noble mien and graceful aspect appeared close at hand, and played upon a pipe. To hear him not merely some shepherds, but soldiers too came flocking from their posts, and amongst them some trumpeters. He snatched a trumpet from one of them and ran to the river with it then sounding the "Advance!" with a piercing blast he crossed to the other side. At this Caesar cried out, 'Let us go where the omens of the Gods and the crimes of our enemies summon us! THE DIE IS NOW CAST!'

Accordingly he marched his army over the river [then] he showed them the tribunes of the Plebs, who on being driven from Rome had come to meet him, and in the presence of that assembly, called on the troops to pledge him their fidelity tears springing to his eyes [as he spoke] and his garments rent from his bosom."

Referências:
Duruy, Victor, History of Rome vol. V (1883) Suetonius "Life of Julius Caesar" in Davis, William Stearns, Readings in Ancient History (1912).


Battle of the Hydaspes

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Battle of the Hydaspes, (326 bce ), fourth and last pitched battle fought by Alexander the Great during his campaign of conquest in Asia. The fight on the banks of the Hydaspes River in India was the closest Alexander the Great came to defeat. His feared Companion cavalry was unable to subdue fully the courageous King Porus. Hydaspes marked the limit of Alexander’s career of conquest he died before he could launch another campaign.

After conquering the Persian Empire, Alexander decided to probe into northern India. King Porus of Paurava blocked Alexander’s advance at a ford on the Hydaspes River (now the Jhelum) in the Punjab. The forces were numerically quite evenly balanced, although Alexander had more cavalry and Porus fielded 200 war elephants.

Alexander divided his army, leaving a small force with Craterus facing Porus on the ford while taking most of the army to cross a second ford 17 miles (27 km) away. When Porus learned that Alexander had advanced over the river, he marched to attack. Porus put his cavalry on the flanks and infantry in the center, with the elephants in front. Alexander posted his heavy infantry in a phalanx in the center, led the right wing cavalry himself, and sent the left wing cavalry under Coenus on a wide, outflanking ride behind a hill.

In the center, the Macedonian phalanx was almost broken by the charging elephants, but eventually drove them off, only to face the Indian infantry. Alexander attacked on the right, but failed to find a gap to exploit with his horsemen. When Coenus returned to the battlefield at the rear of the Indians, Alexander was able to defeat the Indian cavalry and encircle the infantry. Porus reformed his infantry into a defensive block and then offered to surrender if granted generous terms. Alexander agreed Porus could remain king of Paurava but imposed tribute.

Losses: Macedonian, 1,000 of 41,000 Indian, 12,000 dead and 9,000 captured of 50,000.


Battle of the River Ana, 79 BC - History

Opening alludes to Homer, suggests epic scale and purpose (memorialization). Rape of Io by Phoenician traders as Persian version of origin of East-West conflict (1). Reciprocal rapes of Europa and Medea by Greeks (2). Rape of Helen negotiations fail (3). Women are guilty in rape cases, as Helen was Helen was not worth fighting for (4). A Phoenician version of Io story makes her responsible. Hdt. reserves judgement he will tell the history of states large and small, with an awareness of human instability (5). Croesus of Lydia (ruled c. 560-546 BC) was the first eastern king to encroach on Greek freedom (6).

Digression from Croesus: how Lydian sovereignty passed from the Heraclidae to Croesus' ancestors. Candaules (c. 700 BC) was the last of the Heraclidae (7). Candaules offers his servant Gyges a chance to peep at his wife Gyges is reluctant (8). Candaules insists, and Gyges is forced to agree (9). Gyges spies on the queen, who notices him she does not let on (10). The queen summons Gyges, and offers him a choice: die himself, or kill the king and marry her. Gyges chooses to be king (11). Gyges murders the king Gyges is mentioned by Archilochus (12). Gyges' rule is endorsed by an oracle. The revenge of the Heraclidae is predicted Hdt. notes that the prophecy was accurate (13). Offerings of Gyges are still to be seen at Delphi in Hdt.'s own time (14). Gyges and his son Ardys both invaded Miletus, a major Greek city on the coast of Asia Minor. Cimmerians in Asia (15). Military exploits of Sadyattes and Alyattes (ruled c. 610-560 BC), successors of Ardys (16). Repeated invasions of Milesian territory by Sadyattes and Alyattes (17). Men of Chios (an island off the coast of Asia Minor) assist the Milesians (18). Alyattes' soldiers burn the temple of Athene Alyattes falls ill. An oracle advises rebuilding the temple (19). Note on sources: this is the Milesian version. Periander of Corinth (ruled c. 625-585 BC) advises Thrasybulus of Miletus about an oracle (20). Thrasybulus gives a public party when the ambassador from Alyattes arrives (21). Alyattes is tricked into thinking the Milesians have plenty of food, so he makes peace and builds new temples (22). The strange but true tale of Arion, a pioneering musician and poet. Made to walk the plank at sea, he jumped overboard and rode to safety on a dolphin a statue of him & the dolphin at Taenarum in southern Italy (23-24). The death of Alyattes his silver bowl at Delphi (25).

Attacks by Alyattes' son Croesus on Ephesus and other Greek cities of Asia Minor (26). Croesus conquers all Greeks on the coast, but decides not to use his navy against Greeks of the islands (27). Extent of the Lydian empire under Croesus (28). Solon the Athenian lawgiver visits Croesus the Athenians were bound to keep his laws for ten years (29). Solon is shown the wealth of Croesus asked to name the luckiest man he knows, Solon tells Croesus the story of Tellus of Athens, to illustrate true nature of happiness/wealth (Gk olbos 30). Solon names Cleobis and Biton, who won a lasting reputation for piety by pulling their mother to the temple of Hera in an ox-cart, the second most fortunate (31). Solon cites the unpredictability of human affairs in explaining why he refuses to call Croesus fortunate (32). Solon is dismissed by the heedless Croesus (33). How divine anger (Nemesis) got Croesus. After dreaming that his son Atys would be killed by an iron spear, Croesus tries to change Atys' life from military to domestic (34). Croesus gives purification and refuge to a Phrygian fratricide named Adrastus (35). Croesus agrees to send help to the Mysians, who are unable to defeat a monstrous boar (36). Croesus' son Atys asks to be allowed to go and fight the boar (37). Croesus refuses and explains to Atys about the dream (38). Atys argues that a boar cannot kill him with a spear Croesus agrees and lets him go (39-40). Croesus sends Adrastus to look after Atys (41-2). Adrastus accidentally kills Atys with a spear, fulfilling the oracle (43). Croesus invokes Zeus in three aspects (god of hearth, purification, and friendship) to punish Adrastus but then Croesus forgives the penitent Adrastus, who commits suicide (44-5). Croesus consults various oracles about challenging the growing power of Persia (46). How Croesus tested the veracity of the different oracles, and Delphi won (47-9). Sumptuous offerings to Delphian Apollo by Croesus some seen by Hdt himself (50-1). Offerings to oracle of Amphiaraus in Thebes by Croesus (52). Greek oracles consulted by Croesus re attacking Persia reply that he (Croesus) will destroy a great empire, and should ally with most powerful Greek state (53). Croesus is pleased by the response friendship of Lydians and Delphians (54). Croesus asks the oracle about the length of his rule the oracle suggests he flee when a mule is king of Persia (55). Croesus deliberates whether to ally with Athens or Sparta prehistory of the 'Ionians' (ancestors of the Athenians) and 'Dorians' (Spartans) (56).

Athens and Sparta: Early History

Researches of Hdt on the non-Greek nature of Pelasgian speech (57-8). Strange portent of the self-boiling kettle does not convince Hippocrates of Athens to disown his son Pisistratus. How Pisistratus, when Attica was split by factions, tricked the Athenians into giving him a bodyguard and became tyrant benevolent nature of the rule of Peisistratus (59). Pisistratus expelled by coalition of two rivals, Megacles and Lycurgus. Reconciliation of Megacles and Pisistratus Athenians tricked into believing that Athene (in fact a costumed woman of Attica) was bringing Pisistratus back in a chariot (60). Pisistratus marries Megacles' daughter, but fears to have children because of the curse on the Alcmaeonids (Megacles' ancestors) and so practices birth control by continually sodomizing Megacles' daughter. The angry Megacles forces Pisitratus into exile in Macedonia, where he spends ten years amassing an army with his sons Hippias and Hipparchus (61). Return of Pisistratus to Attica Pisistratus and his allies take Marathon, face Athenians at Pallene prophecy of the tuna fish (62). Successful advance of Pisistratus into Athens. Hostages to Naxos (one of the Cyclades islands, previously taken by Peisistratus) Delos is purified by exhumation (63-4). What Croesus learned about Sparta: that she had recently beaten Tegea (in the northern Peloponnesus) in war, and that long before their lawgiver Lycurgus had given the Spartan state its form (65). How the Spartans asked the Delphic oracle about conquering Arcadia, misinterpreted the oracle, and were beaten by the Tegeans (66). How the Spartans were told by the oracle to recover the bones of Orestes (son of Agamemnon) from Tegea, and did so, and so were successful against the Tegeans (67-8).

Further Adventures of Croesus

An alliance made between Croesus and the Spartans (69). A valuable gift from the Spartans to Croesus, a huge bronze bowl, disappears at Samos (an island off the Ionian coast) conflicting accounts of what happened to the bowl (70). Advice of Sandanis the Lydian to Croesus, preparing to attack Cappadocia (a territory of the Persians) Croesus advised not to attack rough nature of Persian civilisation makes them an unworthy target (71). Ethnographic and geographic info on the Cappadocians (Syrians) (72). Origin of Croesus' hatred for Cyrus the Persian King. Cyaxares, father of Croesus' brother-in-law, hosts some Scythian exiles, who quarrel with him, feed him human flesh, and escape to Croesus' father Alyattes the resulting war of Lydians and Cappadocians ends when the armies are terrified by an eclipse (585 BC?) Croesus' sister is given to Cyaxares' son Astyages as part of the treaty. Cyrus attacks and defeats Astyages, thus angering Croesus (73-4). Story of how Thales of Miletus diverted the river Halys so Croesus' army could cross is doubted by Hdt, who thinks bridges were used (75). Croesus battles Cyrus at Pteria in Cappadocia (76). Croesus retreats back to Lydia, and summons reinforcements from his allies Egypt, Babylon, and Sparta (77). Croesus dismisses the mercenaries. The portent of the horses and snakes is interpreted too late for Croesus to benefit (78). Cyrus decides to advance into Lydia and surprises Croesus excellence of Lydian soldiers (79). Battle of Sardis Cyrus uses camels to defeat the Lydian cavalry. Sardis under seige (80). Urgent requests of Croesus for aid from allies (81). The Spartans are battling the Argives (their neighbors to the northeast) over Thyreae. A Homeric battle of champions fails to resolve the issue. The Spartans are victorious why the Spartans have long hair and the Argives short (82). The Spartans are too late to help Croesus (83). How Sardis was taken by Cyrus. Tale of Meles and the lion (84). How Croesus' mute son fulfilled a prophecy by speaking his first words on an unlucky day (85). The fall of Sardis fulfills the Pythian oracle (cf. 1.53). Croesus, about to be burned alive, names Solon. Croesus explains Solon's wisdom to Cyrus. Cyrus is moved and orders Croesus removed from pyre (86). The Lydians say Apollo sent a rainstorm to put it out. Croesus blames the gods for his decision to attack (87). Croesus warns Cyrus that his soldiers will be corrupted if allowed to plunder Sardis he convinces him to dedicate the treasure to Zeus instead (88-9). Cyrus gives Croesus permission to send symbolic chains to Apollo at Delphi and reproach the god for ingratitude (90). How the oracle defended itself and Apollo against the accusations of Cyrus. Cyrus fulfilled the prophecy dooming the descendants of Gyges, and himself misinterpreted the oracle (91). Dedicatory offerings of Croesus are seen by Hdt. some stolen from Croesus' half-brother Pantaleon, whom Croesus tortured to death (92). Strange but true facts about Lydia and the Lydians (93). Lydian coinage, games, and colonisation of Umbria in Italy (Tyrrhenians) (94).

Early History of Persia

Sources for Cyrus and Persia are discussed. Assyrians and Medes (95). How Deioces the Mede won a reputation for justice and was made king. Description of his capital at Agbatana (96-8). Why Deioces lived in isolation from his people (99). His administration of justice and iron-fisted policies. The Median tribes (100-1). His son Phraortes becomes king (656 B.C. ?) and expands the empire greatly (102). Phraortes' son Cyaxares is defeated by the Scythians while trying to conquer the Assyrians how the Scythians crossed into Asia Minor. Scythians are the masters of Asia (103-4). The Scythians attack Egypt without success. How some Scythians destroyed a temple of Aphrodite and were forever cursed with an hereditary venereal disease (105). Harsh rule of the Scythians in Asia Minor is ended after 28 years by Cyaxares (106). His son Astyages is in power. Astyages' daughter, married to Cambyses, bears a son, Cyrus. Astyages is warned by dreams about Cyrus, so he gives the baby to a servant, Harpagus, to kill it (107-8). Harpagus decides not to kill the baby (109). Harpagus instructs a herdsman to expose the baby (110). The herdsman and his wife, knowing the child's royal blood, decide to raise it she has just given birth to a stillborn baby, whose body they substitute for Cyrus'. Harpagus is fooled (111-13). How Cyrus' identity was revealed at the age of ten. Playing King of the Hill, he beats the son of a nobleman upon questioning by Astyages (his grandfather) his regal manner gives the secret away (114-15). Astyages confirms his suspicions by questioning the herdsman (116). Harpagus confesses and reveals how he was fooled (117). Astyages pretends to forgive Harpagus, and invites him and his own son (a boy of 13) to dinner (118). Astyages has Harpagus' son roasted and fed to Harpagus, then reveals the deed. Harpagus accepts the punishment (119). Astyages is advised by his wise men that the prophecy (that Cyrus would be king) has already been fulfilled by the game. Cyrus is allowed to live (120). Cyrus is sent to Persia to live with his real parents. The origin of the story that he was suckled by a wild dog is explained (121-22). An angry Harpagos sends a secret letter to Cyrus, urging him to lead the Persians in rebellion against Astyages and promising the support of Median nobles (123-24). Cyrus is convinced. He assembles all the tribes of the Persians and wins their loyalty by showing them the good life of ease and feasting (125-26). Astyages puts Harpagus in command of the Medes Cyrus' first victory is assured by defections among the Medes (127). Astyages executes his wise men, leads his reserves against Cyrus, and is defeated and captured (128). The final bitter words between Harpagus and Astyages (129). Persians are supreme in Asia thereafter Cyrus' clemency for Astyages overview of Persian affairs (130). Strange but true religious practices of the Persians (131). Persian birthdays, and their eating/drinking habits (132-33). Social practices and hierarchy of the Persians. How the Medes ran their empire (134). Further customs of the Persians: sexual practices education legal system superstitions nomenclature (135-39). Burial customs of the Persians and Magi sacrifices (140).

The Greeks of Asia Minor

History of East-West conflict momentarily resumed. Cyrus rejects a peace offer from the Ionian Greeks the parable of the flutist-fisherman. Assembly of Ionians at Mycale (Samos) (141). Climate and dialects of the Ionian Greeks (142). The Milesians and islanders are temporarily safe from the Persians, who have no navy yet. Remarks on the tribal characteristics of the Ionians (143). A Dorian parallel for intertribal rivalry. Why Hdt's own city of Halicarnassus is barred from the Dorian temple of Triopian Apollo (144). Ionians and Achaeans (145). Why the claim of the Ionians of Asia to be the purest Ionians is false (146). Yet some Asian Ionians are pure Ionians (147). The Panionium or Ionian Center at Mycale an Ionian festival there (148). Aeolic cities of Asia Minor (149). How Smyrna changed from an Aeolic to an Ionian city. Aeolians of the islands, Lesbos and Tenedos (150).


Battle of Kadesh

Thirty-three hundred years ago, below the sun-drenched walls of Kadesh, the Egyptian and Hittite empires fought for control of the land now known as Syria in the first battle about which modern man has detailed contemporary accounts.

For the first 100 generations of its recorded history, the kingdom of Egypt had been very nonmilitant. Except for the occasional civil war and skirmishing for control of Nubia, Egypt experienced little military action. At one point during the Middle Kingdom, the king felt so secure that he sent his personal bodyguard to Nubia on semipermanent garrison duty.

Egypt had no need for a strong military because the deserts to the east and west, and the Mediterranean to the north, protected her from invasion. To the south, the Egyptians ruled Nubia as a conquered province. The Egyptians believed they already possessed the richest lands in the known world, so they had no desire for conquest.

That era of peace and tranquility ended with what historians call the ‘Second Intermediate Period.’ By 1700 bc the Hyksos (‘Rulers from Foreign Lands’) had conquered Lower Egypt and extended their influence up the Nile from their capital at Avaris in the eastern delta. A vassal prince ruled Nubia, while the kings of Upper Egypt at Thebes paid tribute to the Hyksos.

The rise of Egyptian militarism coincided with the advent of the New Kingdom. Around 1650 bc, Queen Kamose defeated the Hyksos, driving them down the Nile toward the delta. Her grandson Ahmose completed the task of driving the Hyksos from Egypt when he took Avaris in 1590 bc, then pursued them to Sharuhen, in Palestine, which he besieged and destroyed.

The war against the Hyksos whetted the Egyptian appetite for battle. Around 1500 bc, Thutmose I marched as far north as Syria. Later, after winning a resounding victory at the Battle of Megiddo in 1483, Thutmose III established the Egyptian empire with a border in southern Syria.

Thutmose III was ancient Egypt’s greatest military leader. His immediate successors, though less brilliant, were capable enough to maintain the borders of the empire. During the reigns of the succeeding kings, Egypt’s enemies either seized lands adjacent to those borders or weakened the bonds between the Egyptian king and his vassal rulers. Egypt’s reigning monarch was identified by his palace, the High House, or Peron, which evolved into the modern term ‘pharaoh.’

Historians tout the reign of Akhenaten (1372-1354 bc) for the advances made in the concept of monotheism. For the Egyptian empire, however, his reign was a disaster. At the same time that Akhenaten was concentrating on religious reform — and virtually ignoring international affairs — a threat to Egypt’s empire arose from the Anatolian plateau of modern Turkey.

About 1740 bc Tudhaliyas I had re-established the city of Hattusas (near modern Boghazköy, Turkey). Despite the fact that King Anittas of Kussara had destroyed the town about 1900 bc and had placed a curse on the site, the Hittite kings traced their ancestry back to him.

Less than 100 years later, King Labarnas united neighboring city-states to form the Hittite empire. At first the king was answerable to a council of nobles, the Pankus, but civil war later led to the concentration of power in the king’s hands.

Early in the 14th century bc, Suppiluliumas I (1375-1355 bc) created a new Hittite empire by defeating Kaska and Arxawa and eventually absorbing the Mitanni, an Asiatic people of whom little is known, save that they had constituted the backbone of resistance to Egyptians during the reigns of Thutmose I and III. As the Mitanni fought the Egyptians to the south, the Hittites advanced against the Mitanni from the north. The Mitanni threw back the initial Hittite advance, but increasing pressure from the north eventually pushed the Mitanni into an alliance with the Egyptians. A daughter of the Mitanni king even became one of Thutmose III’s wives.

The Egyptian-Mitanni alliance maintained the balance of power in Asia Minor for 30 years, but all that changed during the reign of Akhenaten. The assassination of Mitanni King Tushratta resulted in civil war among aspirants to his throne. Hittite King Suppiluliumas quickly took advantage of the situation when the Mitanni crown prince, Mattiwaza, fled to the Hittites for protection. Suppiluliumas married his daughter to Mattiwaza, then forced the remainder of the Mitanni kingdom to accept him as king. That change put the Mitanni into the Hittite sphere of influence and tilted the balance of power.

With Hittite influence in the area growing, other vassal states of Egypt revolted, forcing the second king of the 19th Dynasty, Seti I, to make a foray into Syria to try to re-establish Egyptian influence. His success was only temporary. As soon as Seti I returned to Egypt, the Hittite king, Mursilis II, marched south to take the town of Kadesh on the Orontes River. Once taken, Kadesh became the strongpoint of the Hittite defenses in Syria, although the Hittites ruled through a viceroy in Carchemish.

In spite of their aggressive activities in expanding their political influence in Asia Minor, the Hittite kings actually tried to avoid a direct confrontation with the Egyptians. They paid tribute to the Egyptian king, and avoided attacking Egyptians lands.

Nevertheless, the two powers were on a collision course, and war finally erupted as the result of the political maneuvering of Ramses II, who succeeded his father, Seti, in 1301 bc, at age 20. Early in his reign, Ramses convinced Prince Bentesina of Amurru to switch alliances. To protect (and to expand) that new influence, Ramses planned to invade Syria. As those plans were implemented, both Ramses and the Hittite king, Muwutallis, began raising large armies.

The bulk of the Egyptian army was infantry, raised by press gangs that roamed the Nile River valley. The principal infantry weapons were the javelin and the short sword. Every fifth man (probably an officer) carried a baton. For protection, the Egyptians wore close-fitting helmets and mailed tunics made from matting. Each man carried a shield of oxhide over a wooden frame, square at the bottom and rounded at the top. While it protected him, this heavy shield also limited the infantryman’s mobility on the battlefield.

Although Ramses’ infantrymen were mostly Egyptian — supplemented by Sardian mercenaries hired specifically for this campaign — his bowmen were almost exclusively Nubian, armed with composite bows made of laminated layers of bone and wood.

The most powerful weapon of the Bronze Age was the chariot, and the Egyptians had a small, permanent chariot force. The chariots were relatively small and light, each carrying two men — a driver and a warrior. The Egyptians viewed chariots as mobile firing platforms the driver would maneuver it about on the battlefield, while the warrior showered the enemy formation with arrows.

While the bulk of the Egyptian army was infantry, the Hittite strength lay in its own chariotry. The Hittites’ acumen in battle was the result of their rigorous training, plus their success in horse breeding and horse training. Those factors combined to give the Hittite commander more maneuverability with which to exploit opportunities as they arose on the battlefield.

The regular Hittite army was small — just a king’s bodyguard and a small force to patrol the frontiers and to put down rebellions. In time of a major conflict, however, the king was able to draw upon troops from the local population and from his vassals. Suppiluliumas I began the policy of turning conquered lands into vassal states. That practice precluded the need for large Hittite garrisons, and at the same time it allowed the king to call upon the native population for troops.

As Ramses had done, Muwutallis also filled out his ranks with mercenaries, including a group of Lycian pirates.

Muwutallis organized his army into groups of 10. One officer commanded a 10-man unit, 10 of those units formed a group, and then 10 groups formed an even larger group, and so on. The Hittite warriors wore pointed helmets and long robes.

The Hittite chariot had a body made of leather mounted on a wooden frame. That frame in turn was mounted between two spoked wheels, with the axle positioned farther forward than on an Egyptian chariot in order to support the weight of three men: a driver, a warrior and a shield-bearer. Although the warrior carried a curved sword, his principal weapon was the spear. The Hittites used their chariots in mass formation as a shock force to break the enemy’s infantry lines, after which the chariots, joined by the infantry, would exploit the resulting confusion to rout the enemy force.

Ramses opened his campaign in the summer of 1296 bc by seizing a port in southern Lebanon. A small Hittite army under Muwutallis advanced on the town, but Ramses drove it off.

Ramses, the arrogantly self-confident 25-year-old heir to a 1,000-year-old empire, intended to strike east from the Mediterranean to the Orontes River, which he would then follow north into Syria (in effect, emulating the successful strategy pursued by Thutmose III 100 years before). That was exactly what Muwutallis wanted Ramses to do, however. An experienced campaigner then into the 20th year of his reign, the Hittite king planned to draw the Egyptians as deep into his territory as he could before engaging them in battle.

Ramses organized his army into six distinct units. The majority of the men were in four divisions, each named after an Egyptian god: Amon, Re, Ptah, and Set. Each division was a combined arms unit of 9,000 men — chariots, infantry and bowmen. The fifth unit was made up of Ramses’ personal bodyguard. The last unit was a group of Canaanites (the Na’arum). Little is known about them, but they apparently were an auxiliary or reserve force.

The two armies were almost equal in size. Ramses had more than 35,000 men in his various units. Muwutallis had 3,500 chariots (10,500 men) and 17,000 infantry, for a total of 27,500. If the Egyptians had more men, the Hittites had many times more chariots.

Ramses sent the Na’arum up the coast to seize Sumura on the Mediterranean to give him a better line of communications with his navy. With the remainder of his army, he marched east to the Orontes. Less than one day’s march from Kadesh, Ramses camped at the high (i.e., southern) end of the Buka’a Valley. At that point, the Orontes flowed through a narrow rocky gorge several hundred feet deep. The river was not crossable until it reached Shabtuna, several miles to the north. At dawn, Ramses could see Kadesh in the distance through the haze. With his bodyguard in the van, the Egyptian monarch led his army north along the east bank of the river.

Before he reached Shabtuna, Ramses’ men brought in two Shosu (Bedouins) who claimed to have been loyal vassals of Egypt conscripted into the Hittite army. They told Ramses what he wanted to hear — that Muwutallis was afraid of him and had retreated with his army toward Aleppo, far to the north.

Without bothering to put scouts out in front, Ramses pressed on ahead with just his bodyguard. In his haste to besiege Kadesh, he left his army spread out behind him through the Buka’a Valley.

The Egyptians crossed the Orontes at Shabtuna, then passed through the forest of Robaui and the clearing that lay between it and Kadesh. West of the town, they crossed a brook, el-Mukadiyek, to reach the clear ground northwest of the city. When Ramses arrived there at about 2:30 p.m., the Division of Amon was still south of Kadesh, struggling to catch up. Once that division arrived, the Egyptians erected a fortified camp, its perimeter marked by a palisade formed with the shields of the infantry.

Ramses’ confidence was shaken when a liaison squadron then brought in a pair of Hittite spies it had captured. The Egyptians forced the two to talk by beating them with sticks. They told Ramses that he had just walked into a trap: ‘Behold, the prince…has many people with him, that he has victoriously brought with him from all the countries. They are armed. They have infantry, and chariots, and weapons, and are more in number than the sands of the sea. Behold, they are in fighting order hidden behind the town of Kadesh.’

Muwutallis had indeed lured Ramses into a trap. The two Shosu who had reported the Hittites to be far away actually had been sent by the Hittite king for the purpose of lulling Ramses into a false sense of security. Ramses then compounded his problem by allowing his army to become spread out.

Instead of being far to the north, the Hittites were within striking distance, just east of Kadesh. Only a few hours earlier, in fact, the entire Hittite force had been camped on the very ground where Ramses’ army now camped. Why the Egyptians had not noticed evidence of that encampment is not clear today.

Although Ramses called his princes together and berated them for failing to provide him with accurate intelligence, he still was not overly concerned over the situation. The Division of Amon had arrived and was going into camp. The Division of Re was just south of Kadesh, emerging from the Forest of Robaui. Ramses had half his army present. He ordered his vizier (chief of staff) to send a messenger to bring up the Division of Ptah. With three-quarters of his army at or within marching distance of Kadesh, he was confident there was little to worry about. What Ramses did not realize was that his divided army was, in fact, teetering on the brink of disaster.

Earlier in the day, the Hittites had withdrawn out of sight east of Kadesh. Then as Ramses arrived at the town, Muwutallis advanced in two sections. The Hittite king’s main force, including the majority of his chariots, swung left to cross the Orontes River south of Kadesh, to strike at the rear of the Egyptian army. Muwutallis himself, with the infantry and a reserve force of 1,000 three-man chariots, swung right — intending to block the Egyptian retreat across the Orontes to the north.

As the Egyptian Division of Re marched on Kadesh, there was no sense of urgency — the king’s orders had not reached it yet, and would not arrive until it was too late. The Egyptian officers were behind the troops, still in the Forest of Robaui, as the division slowly crawled across the plain, the infantrymen trudging along with their heavy shields slung across their backs.

West of the Orontes, meanwhile, the Hittite chariots quickly spread out into attack formation, then charged. Twenty-five hundred chariots ripped into the rear of the division. Some Egyptians were killed there, others were captured. Some of the survivors fled back into the forest, but most simply ran north toward Kadesh, spreading panic through the rest of the division and making it impossible for anyone to rally it. Within minutes, the Division of Re had ceased to exist as a fighting unit.

Ramses was still berating his officers when the first refugees (including two of his sons) arrived by chariot. At last the Egyptian king realized that he faced disaster. Turning to his vizier, Ramses ordered him to go after the Division of Ptah himself the Division of Set was so far back that Ramses ignored it.

As the refugees from the Division of Re poured into Ramses’ camp, their panic spread among the Division of Amon. Its soldiers, too, joined the flight from the Hittites, leaving Ramses and his bodyguard cut off. ‘Then the infantry and chariotry fled before them, northward, to the place where his majesty was,’ wrote Ramses’ poet-historian Penator. ‘Lo, the foe…surrounded the attendants of his majesty, who were by his side.’

The vanguard of Hittite chariots crashed through the wall of Egyptian shields, but the royal bodyguard proved to be more than a match for them. Throwing themselves at the horses, some of the bodyguard dragged the chariots to a stop. That allowed other Egyptians to swarm over them, killing many Hittites.

As the Hittite assault reached its high tide, however, only one chariot in the Egyptian camp had its horses in harness for a counterattack — Ramses’ own war chariot, drawn by horses named Victory in Thebes and Mut is Satisfied. Ramses summoned his driver, Mennu, but the man was too afraid to come.

At that point, according to Penator, a humbled Ramses prayed to the god Amon for the strength and courage to save his army, and perhaps the empire, from destruction. Then, wrapping the reins about his waist to control the horses so his hands were free, Ramses singlehandedly charged the Hittites, grimly determined to restore his fortunes or die trying.

The Egyptian account says Ramses managed to ride completely around the Hittite host, returning to his own camp unharmed. The account — which was written not as an objective work of history but as a flattering tribute to Ramses’ prowess as a leader and a warrior — neglected to mention that the Hittites, who understandably believed their enemies to be totally routed, had stopped to loot the Egyptian camp. Only two groups of Hittites remained in their chariots, one on the east and another on the west flank of the main force. By the time Ramses returned to his camp, a small group of Egyptian chariotry had formed, made up of his personal bodyguard and some of the chariots recovered from the broken Divisions of Amon and Re. Ramses rallied them to charge against the Hittite force to the west. The Egyptian king quickly decided the number of chariots there was too great, however, and chose to avoid a direct engagement. Retiring back to his camp, he immediately launched an attack against the Hittite force to the east. This time his counterstroke was successful, driving the Hittites back across the Orontes. In the first few minutes of battle, the Egyptian army had all but been destroyed. Now it was the Hittites’ turn to suffer a major disaster.

The main Hittite force was still on foot, looting the Egyptian camp, when the Na’arum arrived from the west — apparently the Hittite force on the western flank had fled at their approach.

Although the Na’arum had chariots, the bulk of their force was infantry. They were equipped and trained to fight on foot, whereas the Hittites were not. With swinging swords and flying spears, the Na’arum poured into the Egyptian camp, overwhelming the Hittites. The surviving Hittites fled toward Kadesh.

Muwutallis, who up to that point had seen the battle go entirely his way, suffered a staggering setback, but he still had his reserve chariotry and his infantry. For some reason, though, Muwutallis chose to dispatch only his 1,000 chariots against Ramses’ relative handful, while he and his infantry remained on the other side of the river, an action the Egyptians attributed to cowardice.

As the Hittite chariots crossed the Orontes, Ramses changed tactics. Instead of maintaining his distance, Ramses decided to close with the enemy, a form of battle seemingly favorable to the Hittites.

Actually, Ramses wanted to use the terrain as an ally. The Hittite chariots had to cross the river and mount the riverbank to reach the plain where the Egyptians were. The Hittite chariots were most effective at battle speed. Ramses wanted to close with them before they could reach that speed. Also, by fighting them close to the river, he kept the Hittites from deploying into formation. That protected Ramses’ flanks and allowed him to fight only a fraction of the Hittite force at one time.

The Hittite chariots splashed through the river and had started up the far bank when the Egyptians descended on them. The impact drove them back into the water. Muwutallis ordered another charge. Again, the Egyptians waited until the Hittite chariots forded the river, then charged and once again drove them back. Muwutallis reorganized his ranks before sending his chariots across the river a third time, but with the same, unsuccessful result.

For almost three hours Muwutallis threw his chariots across the river, and for three hours the Egyptians, led by Ramses, drove them back. ‘Then his majesty advanced swiftly and charged into the foe of the vanquished,’ said the Egyptian chronicle. ‘At the sixth charge among them, being like Baal [the Cannite equivalent of Set, the Egyptian god of war] behind them in the hour of his might, I made slaughter among them, and there was none that escaped me.’ (It is interesting to note that while most of the Egyptian account of the battle was written in the third person, the narrative abruptly changed to the first person in the description of the last Hittite attack.)

On the Hittite side, the casualties included high-ranking figures. Soldiers pulled the half-drowned prince of Charbu from the Orontes and had to revive him by holding him upside down. Less fortunate was Muwutallis’ brother Metarema, who was killed by an Egyptian arrow before he could reach the river. Also dead were Cherpaser, the royal scribe Tergannasa and Pays, Muwutallis’ charioteers Teedura, chief of the bodyguard Kamayta, a corps commander and Aagem, commander of the mercenaries.

The battle had begun about 4 p.m. At about 7, the lead elements of the Division of Ptah, with Ramses’ vizier in the lead, emerged from the Forest of Robaui. The arrival of that third Egyptian division threatened the Hittite rear.

The Egyptian account says the Hittites retreated inside Kadesh, but is is improbable that so many men could have stayed inside the city. More likely, Muwutallis retired toward Aleppo.

The next morning, Ramses proclaimed that he had won a great victory. In a sense, it had been. After blundering into a devastating ambush, the young king had escaped death or capture and, displaying courageous leadership, had rallied his scattered troops. Even so, the Egyptians had suffered heavy casualties, Kadesh’s defenses were unbroken, and Muwutallis’ army, though badly bloodied, was still intact, with more than 1,000 chariots still at his disposal. Chastened, Ramses prudently gathered the remnants of his army and marched toward Damascus.

Muwutallis, too, had had enough, although once safely back at Hattusas, he, too, proclaimed a great victory. Later, he tried to foment another revolt against the Egyptians, but he died while Ramses was preparing to crush the uprising. Among other successes, Ramses took Dapur, south of Aleppo, in 1290 bc.

The Battle of Kadesh holds great interest to scholars of military strategy but, as pointed out by Egyptian press attaché and Egyptologist Ahmed Nouby Moussa, its epilogue was equally historic in the realm of international diplomacy. After a dynastic struggle, Khattusilis III succeeded Muwutallis and subsequently invited Egyptian plenipotentiaries to Hattusas for what would amount to the first summit conference between two equally matched powers. In 1280 bc, Ramses and Khattusilis signed history’s oldest recorded international agreement, establishing a condominium between the two empires. After 13 years of peace, Ramses sealed the treaty by marrying one of Khattusilis’ daughters. With his northeastern borders secure, the Egyptian king ruled on until 1235 bc — a reign of 67 years, during which his name would be literally etched in stone as Ramses the Great.

This article was written by Robert Collins Suhr and originally appeared in the August 1995 issue of História Militar revista.

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The Aftermath

At Issus, Alexander's men rewarded themselves richly with Persian loot. Darius' women at Issus were frightened. At best they could expect to become the concubine of a high-status Greek. Alexander reassured them. He told them not only was Darius still alive, but they would be kept safe and honored. Alexander kept his word and has been honored for this treatment of the women in Darius' family.

"Upset at Issus," by Harry J. Maihafer. Military History Magazine Oct. 2000.
Jona Lendering - Alexander the Great: Battle at the Issus
"Alexander's Sacrifice dis praesidibus loci before the Battle of Issus," by J. D. Bing. Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 111, (1991), pp. 161-165.

"The Generalship of Alexander," by A. R. Burn. Greece & Rome (Oct. 1965), pp. 140-154.


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